ITALIAN VERSION HERE
The closure of USAID by the diarchs Trump and Musk is a historical event, whose interpretation is undoubtedly multi-vectorial, multifaceted, and polyhedral, thus inexhaustibly complex from any single perspective.
This epochal event involves many reasons that have led to the dew point or the sublimation from a latent to a manifest state of the procedures of this well-known American agency, which I have discussed in my books, one among many agencies composing what is termed the deep state. This event has been followed by the deafening clamor of the clash of powers within the American state structure, not merely for historical and social reasons but also for distinctly personal, emotional, and character-related ones.
The lives and historical events, after all, must always pay a heavy tribute to the sphinx of fate perched on the walls of the human comedy (Augustus).
Thus, this event can be discussed in many different ways, and it will be done by thousands of voices around the world, using a broad spectrum of prisms through which to refract its light.
Indeed, we can imagine historical events as a kind of garment tailored from the rough leather of politics, sewn with the thread of interests, but lined with the ever-unpredictable silk of the psyche of its protagonists.
The character of Churchill, Stalin, Hitler, Roosevelt, adding Mussolini to this gallery, albeit of lesser stature; the temperaments they were forged with, their perversions or idiosyncrasies, the mental folds of their vices, played no small part in the historical movement of the great structures of social power relations that propelled them to the apex of their societies at the crucial moment of history, which first unleashed the tidal waves of various “isms”—both right and left—and then brought down the devastating tsunami of the Second World War.
Winston Churchill for Great Britain, Franklin Delano Roosevelt President of the United States of America, Stalin political leader of the Soviet Union
Returning to the primary object of our reflection, I am reminded that the new American-Rome empire has entered what we might iconically represent with the marble effigies of the voluptuous Marius and Sulla, or the more enigmatic Antony and Brutus, to cite just two of the most famous pairs of antagonists in Rome’s endless civil war.
The statues of Marius and Sulla, fierce enemies in the civil war
In a recent interview on Ottolina TV, regarding the USAID issue, it occurred to me to say that what we see in the United States at this moment, to paraphrase and invert von Clausewitz’s formula, is that American politics seems to be the continuation of civil war by other means.
Trump is, de facto, acting like the victor of a civil war, which for now has been semi-bloodless, though one might mention an ear bloodied, with his armies tumultuously encamped in every county, their closets brimming with weapons, rooting out and finishing off, so to speak, the conspirators of the opposing faction, chasing them on the lightning-fast roadmap of proscription, of which USAID’s closure is an expression. The immediate presidential pardon for the Capitol rioters is another unambiguous indication.
The interview on Ottolina TV regarding USAID
Before this spectacle, it would seem that the way American Founding Fathers openly intended to replicate the Roman Republic in the USA, using even iconic elements like eagles and fasces in state symbols, has indeed been effective and has not yet seen its three-century vitality extinguished.
Despite being fraught with complex internal contradictions, for example, because Vice President Vance and Tulsi Gabbard are both former military personnel, but with 18 million veterans circulating, which is 5% of the population, it’s hard not to find them involved in every nook of American public life, and Musk, whether willingly or not, is deeply entangled with military power due to space technology. The USAID saga, therefore, and Trump’s electoral victory illustrate that Trump, entirely subconsciously but viscerally, represents, as I theorized since 2020 in previous writings, a significant part of American capitalism and a wide swath of the often-downgraded middle class starting to rise against the parasitic militarization of the American public sphere that began in 1961 when, as I recount in my book “General Outlines of the Treatise on the Armed Class,” the Pentagon was gifted by a glaring state engineering error by Kennedy and his Defense Secretary McNamara, a direct control center over American industrial production, the Defense Supply Agency, making it an antagonistic redistributive center against the Federal State.
The untracked defense expenditures, remember the 2300 billion dollars of Pentagon expenses that Secretary Rumsfeld declared he couldn’t account for (The New York Times), including USAID’s and the vast, intricate galaxy of federal agencies, stem from this State within a State, from this centralized economy within a liberal economy (Melman-Heilbroner-Colantoni).
Thus, USAID paradigmatically illustrates first and foremost the importance in the exercise of state power of redistributive power as the primary essence of the State.
Who redistributes wealth buys power. And with that power, they collect further wealth, which they will then redistribute again to further expand their power. This is what the warlords (Mills) of the Pentagon have been doing for six decades now; buying power and thereby continuously eroding more power from the separated powers of the state, which have now almost entirely collapsed into their hands. In the USAID saga, all this is encapsulated, and all this is part of the Armed Class theory I’ve worked on for ten years and published its “General Outlines” in 2022.
In the life of Caesar, Plutarch perfectly illustrates this mechanism when he tells us that the impoverished yet noble Caesar, who went into debt to gain the capital needed for political success, risking his consulship due to pursuing creditors, finally achieving it with the Gallic campaign, used the wealth looted from the Gauls to buy senators, who, thus benefiting from these riches, funneled more public funds towards Caesar to continue the war, with which Caesar further increased his wealth.
This is what the Pentagon has been doing since Vietnam times (Mills – Melman – Colantoni).
If one wishes to learn a first essential political lesson from the USAID saga, it must first be to become politically aware again that the power of the State has as its systole and diastole two essential monopolies: fiscal collection and the redistribution of state wealth according to its political lines. The third element securing this pulsating heart of statehood is the monopoly on the means of state violence, and this monopoly has been comprehensively compromised in the West.
The Founding Fathers’ mechanism of controlling the Sword with the purse strings has been destroyed in the USA decades ago, and the sword has now become both sword and purse, meaning the sword is out of control; or better yet, the sword is pointed at those who held the purse, proclaiming the fateful motto “your money or your life.”
Thus, in this episode of USAID’s closure, among other things, we find ourselves in the midst of a declared episode of that asymmetric class struggle, which I’ve theorized as such because it is unconsciously suffered by the American and increasingly European bourgeoisie, against the cunning power of the neo-Armed Class formed with the professionalization of the armed forces over half a century ago, which, on its part, carefully avoids declaring it to enjoy the strategic advantage of stealth, as whispered by commando units, “videre nec videri,” or “to see without being seen.”
My book, published in October 2022, in which I theorize the emergence of a new military social class as a conscious historical actor within the horizon of Western events.
The endogenous chaos resulting from this ongoing class conflict/civil war in America, whose symptoms are evident with Trump’s return to imperial presidency (Schlesinger Jr. – Rudalevige – Colantoni), having survived various ambushes, another of the most significant readable aspects of this saga, just beginning at its premise, from which we can surely expect chapters filled with plot twists, even the tragic death of one of the Diarchs by imminent assassination, which I see as intrinsic in the dynamics of this story’s plot, given the high stakes involved and the unprecedented tension activated by this gesture in recent American politics, is that the closure of USAID marks, outside its internal class dynamics, the first great true strategic defeat for the West in the now nearly thirty-year tense geopolitical chess game, where Putin, at the helm of the Russian Federation, the world’s first nuclear superpower, did not inflict it with a direct move, we would flatter him by saying so, but has collected it like the ripe fruit of his very long game, almost always played in castling, and occasionally lit up by spectacular counterattacks (Georgia, Crimea, Ukraine), against his fiercest American enemies, who are not all Americans, indeed quite the opposite, but only some of them, namely the members of the military power of the Armed Class whose global command center is the Pentagon, who have always prevented post-Soviet Russia from being fully integrated into the West, as the old giants of U.S. foreign policy, who genuinely conflicted with the USSR, like the great George Kennan (New York Times, May 2, 1998), had hoped, because, unlike capitalism which yearned for it as a market and resource, the military, living off parasitizing public wealth in the name of security, needed it much more as a specter to wave and possibly resurrect, as they finally managed to do, from the Cold War, which was the assurance of satisfying their class needs through continuous expansions of parasitic public wealth, which had magnificently worked for all 43 years of the Cold War and has now, until the Trump-Musk unknown, with the war in Ukraine, returned to operate like a fully operational historical engine.
In this chess game against the Pentagon and the needs of the neo-class it commands and represents, composed of all the professional armies of the West and the galaxy of civilian auxiliaries, like workers, technicians, and scientists attached to the military-industrial sector and its vast spin-off, including that of soft power, i.e., culture, press, entertainment, and politics, with particular attention to “militainment,” or the function of military aesthetics, to which I dedicate the entire third part of my Treatise on the Armed Class, in cinema, fashion, social games (airsoft), and war video games with a gigantic market of hundreds of billions in revenue, giving us an idea of their political depth, and which serves as a lubricant for the penetration of military power’s hegemony, in the Gramscian sense, into society, including USAID.
A game that began for him 25 years ago with the black pieces on the chessboard, i.e., with the enormous disadvantage of a Russia on its knees, reduced to pitiful conditions, torn apart by internal jackals and attacked by powerful foreign predators, facing the overwhelming power of the USA, at that moment launched into orgies of power and consumption, the only superpower actively serving on Earth.
Images from a Google search on the title of war video games “Call of Duty,” one of the many titles that infest the public representation of the aesthetics of military destruction
No empire in human memory has ever had a moment of global and absolute dominion, with a power gap, scientific, economic, and military, between itself and the rest of the world, like the USA from 1989 to 2013, and we will soon explain why we have identified this closure date of this golden period.
Neither the Roman Empire, nor the Huns’ Empire, nor the Sassanids, nor the Ottomans, nor the British, French, or Spanish Empires, the Dutch, to stay within the garden of better-known history, ever enjoyed over two decades of absolute absence of relevant antagonists on the globe and such a vast gap between their military power and that of the rest of the world.
The United States had 23 years, from ’89 to ’12, a good 8400 days and 8400 nights, a lifetime one might say, of absolute carte blanche on the organization of the world, where if they had the wisdom and will, they could have architected and built an American peace that could surely have lasted for centuries.
The Americans spectacularly missed this historical opportunity, and within the USA, there were other spectacularly missed opportunities, like an Afro-American revolution, after the emancipation struggles during Vietnam, which instead turned into Afro-American complicity in WASP dominance guilt, burning in an instant the immense political capital of that absolute Afro-American innocence accumulated over 400 years of slavery, before Afro-Americans were astutely assimilated thanks to the inferiority complex of their elites, into the WASP power machine, see Powell, Rice, and finally Obama, but all three of these named, attention, made politically possible by the rise of high-ranking Afro-American officers in the Pentagon a few decades earlier, a historical process activated within the armed forces, thanks to the class dynamic in the formation of the Armed Class, as I article in my treatise, which has nullified and neutralized the political fault lines of American racial conflict.
An article concerning the integration of African Americans within the U.S. Armed Forces
But this, although absolutely complementary to our story, is another story.
Thus, there are very specific reasons why the Americans, a certain part of Americans, we will say which ones, missed this gigantic opportunity to give a lasting imprint to the world that would have seen them as the hegemonic center and governors of an acceptably pacified earth, or at least of a stabilized empire, somewhat like the Severan Dynasty did in Rome.
Please note, we are often speaking in hyperboles, metaphors, and quite symbolically. This is a literary-political analysis, thus above all suggestive; do not make the mistake of reading everything literally but feed political imagination.
Like in quantum physics, the war in Ukraine has produced incredible distant consequences from its physical space, precisely because it is an expression of an endogenous historical-social process within the West, that of the new asymmetric class struggle between non-military-affiliated capitalism and the vast impoverished middle class due to Pentagon parasitism, with the military power of the Armed Class, and which only relates to Ukraine itself in the second instance. Not exactly a butterfly’s flap, that war, certainly, but like in the famous example, it has unleashed more than one storm on the other side of the universe.
The closure of USAID is one of these storms, perhaps the perfect storm, because its energy propagates through the superconductor of the society of the spectacle and infodemic, which, functioning as particle accelerators, so to speak, increase its mass immeasurably when it hits the receptors of public opinion with its meanings, giving rise to reactions that could be unpredictable.
The driving process of this class collision, which, so to speak, risks extinguishing the “dinosaurs” of the Enlightenment from the earth and especially their (our) ecosystem of universal rights, is the birth of the new historical subject I have called the Armed Class, i.e., the Western armies that, professionalized, have been animated by the life of a social class pursuing its class goals. The nation’s armed forces no longer serve the State but use it, albeit preferably symbiotically, for this they try to condition its foreign policy bending it to their purposes, sometimes with the catastrophic results we see in Ukraine.
The closure of USAID is the perfect Pythagorean corollary of the strategic debacle that the United States, led by the Pentagon, has suffered in the kinetic impact with the granite geopolitical massif of Russia, cushioned by China, towards which the USA went to crash headlong, conducted, like in a new Tesla machine, by the automatic and blind pilot of the class needs of the neo-social class I theorized having concretized with the professionalization of Western armies, with its hegemony center in the Pentagon, thus USA moved against their will and with reluctance, by the class goals of this neo-class. A debacle stemming precisely from the chaos of the now open clash between American civil society, today led, who knows for how long, by the two powerful genius/mythomaniacs and borderline like Musk and Trump, and military power.
Having studied all of Hannah Arendt’s books, from the monumental ones to the slim ones like university dissertations, I don’t remember exactly where, but I remember Arendt observed that after the Second World War, no government could hope to survive a military defeat.
If this Arendtian formula were confirmed, it would determine a priori a default direction of post-World War II wars towards that “bellum internecinum” that Kant warned in his “Perpetual Peace” we should never proceed towards, i.e., towards the war of extermination. In postmodernity, extermination becomes also simply, alongside many real deaths, the political collapse of a system. We are talking about serious wars, like that in Ukraine, not military safaris or human falconry with drones in underdeveloped countries that the Armed Class (the Pentagon) has practiced for the last thirty years, destabilizing the world to satisfy their needs for public money, like in Afghanistan, in Pakistan’s tribal areas, in Somalia, or in Iraq and similar.
The closure of USAID by Donald Trump and Elon Musk liturgically celebrates the American military defeat in Ukraine. This is why we titled our piece USAID, Woe to the Vanquished. The strategic victory of Vladimir Putin.
The war in Ukraine is only the latest, but truly the last, i.e., the terminus, of that series of wars that the Pentagon’s direction of U.S. foreign policy, which already alarmed us in the 70s with a giant like J.K. Galbraith, has triggered in the world to pursue the needs of its insatiable hunger for ever more public wealth and decision-making power, the monstrous U.S./NATO Defense budget to be understood.
Galbraith on the left, as U.S. Ambassador to India, with President John F. Kennedy, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson, and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, 1961
The grand paradigm of this theorem, as observed by Professor Seymour Melman, who announced its serialization in his “Military Capitalism,” a capital text of my studies and cornerstone of my bibliographies, was the Vietnam War.
The industrial engineering professor at Columbia University, Seymour Melman, author of the book “Military Capitalism”
A war entirely irrational from the capitalist viewpoint, as Melman wrote, since it cost 100 billion dollars to defend 2 billion in U.S. investments in the Far East, a nonsense that, Melman observed, could only be justified by understanding that this war was not defending the scarce U.S. capitalist investments in the Far East but was pursuing the satisfaction of Pentagon’s needs for money and power.
The abrupt abandonment of the Russian market with the start of hostilities between Ukraine and Russia, imposed on Western business classes by the War Lords of the Pentagon at the head of the Armed Class, with a chaotic and disorganized retreat without supplies, intrinsically not dissimilar from the tragic Napoleonic, Nazi, or Italian retreats from Russia, leaving behind hundreds of billions in industrial assets that ended up nationalized, sometimes for a symbolic euro, in the hands of the Russian government, which without hesitation made a clean sweep, sharing with the strategic ally China, which in two years placed one and a half million cars in Russia, while in Europe, thousands of automotive workers from German and French companies, which had to abandon the precious Russian market, were laid off, as sadly reported by The New York Times and all related.
The New York Times article on the issue of industrial assets abandoned by capitalism in Russia
This event, completely absurd if seen from a capitalist ratio, and to which entrepreneurs and investors who were happily operating in Russia were forced by the needs of geopolitical disorder of the Pentagon and its civilian auxiliaries, whose cash register went into meltdown from overheated revenue, is the irrefutably highlighted bloody footprint by the Luminol of minimal logic at the crime scene.
In different words, in a 2011 interview, Julian Assange hypothesized the existence of international security elites; attention, not of capital or finance, but he specified of security, observing that they fought wars with no intention of winning, so they could last indefinitely, thus allowing an extra-economic circulation, we would say, of huge amounts of capital away from taxation zones, military expenditures, what else? Here, his definition of security elites very much resembles my theory of a neo-military class born from the professionalization of armies that has no interest in winning wars as much as feeding infinite ones through which to justify the appropriation of oceans of public money and with such wealth to buy ever more power with which then to further increase wealth and so on in a perfect ecology of war economy.
The interview with Julian Assange where he cites the global neo-security elites
Obviously, USAID & Co are the grammatical declination of the verb militaristically parasitizing public money in the name of security.
And indeed, Machiavelli wrote:
“From not wanting peace come the deceptions that captains make to those who lead them, so that the war lasts; and if peace comes, often it happens that the leaders, being deprived of salaries and livelihood, licentiously raise a banner of fortune and without any mercy plunder a province.”
or still:
“Because those who do not know how to live from other exercises, and in this finding no one to help them and not having such virtue that they know how to gather together to make an honorable captivity, are forced by necessity to break the law.”
and still:
“Therefore, kings, if they want to live securely, must have their infantry composed of men who, when it is time for war, willingly go to it for their love, and when peace comes, more willingly return home. This will always be when they choose men who know how to live from another art than this.”
and still:
“So, if a king does not organize himself so that his infantry in times of peace are content to return home and live from their arts, he must necessarily ruin; because there is no more dangerous infantry than that composed of those who make war as their art, because you are forced either to make war always, or to pay them always, or to run the danger that they do not take your kingdom. Making war always is not possible; paying them always cannot be done; here, of necessity, one runs into the dangers of losing the state.”
In my “General Outlines of the Treatise on the Armed Class” published more for posterity than for the confused contemporaries, I’ve illustrated how military power, now expressed by an entire social class, has usurped the redistributive function of the State. In my treatise, I’ve inverted the famous Marxist formula DMD1 into PDP1 where the D of money is replaced by the P of decision-making power and where Money becomes for the armed class what Commodity is for capitalism.
But let’s return to geostationary orbit.
Much more than Elon Musk, the real ascending thermal current that has lifted the heavy yet graceful Trump back into the oval Olympian on the banks of the Potomac has been precisely the now unreservedly shouted Hybris of the Bronze Age warlords of the Pentagon, who, falling into the trap they set for Russia in Ukraine, have, like tragic heroes, completely lost their minds, and overwhelmed by their own delirium of power, are imprudently revealing the ambush with which they have been plundering the labor and capital accumulation of the producing classes for decades.
A very recent iconic cover of the parasitic Hybris of the Armed Class.
What has more remotely supported the clamorous return of Trumpian folly is precisely this moment, still confused but now realized, of sensory awareness, for now, by the American bourgeoisie and some avant-garde of the European one, very few, of the presence of the military parasite attached to our veins and swollen to bursting with our blood.
The pathetic figure who, for four years, a ghost of himself, chased ice cream ghosts in the corridors of the White House, was the nauseating affront that the War Lords of the Pentagon, now drunk with Hybris, have made to the American people, and to the world of their dominion, demonstrating, without any restraint, that the White House is, and has been for a long time but was not visible to many, a pleasant vacation spot where all the buttons have been disconnected from what they were supposed to command.
The senile figure, adorer of the scent of children’s hair, wandering in the spectral amenities of the White House in Washington in the guise of the President of the United States, was the unambiguous and scandalous semi-living symbol of the unheard-of usurpation that military power, an alien power in an Enlightenment-based state like the American one, or at least it was until yesterday with its 18th-century Constitution, had made of the executive power, which should de jure be under the absolute dominion of the American civil bourgeoisie, as already noted in a painful note on April 6, 1951, in his diary by President Truman when he had to clash with the megalomania of General MacArthur, whom he had to dismiss, not without the unquestionability of the civilian power’s primacy over U.S. foreign policy suffering a severe structural damage in favor of the forming military power.
A page from President Truman’s diary relevant to the issue of General MacArthur’s dismissal from command
Only nine years later, a General like Maxwell Taylor, from the generation following Eisenhower and adverse to him, father of the doctrine of flexible response that would make every nook of geopolitical existence a potential battlefield, militarizing any issue that was previously under the jurisdiction of politics and diplomacy, and who would psychically take possession of Kennedy becoming his shadow advisor, so much so that Kennedy named one of his numerous sons after him, publicly disdained the political class in a book, describing them as accountants who should never again be allowed to meddle in U.S. foreign policy.
Thus, the Americans who lost the chance to build a lasting American peace are the entire American bourgeoisie, from which, like dead bees in clusters due to a mysterious toxic cloud, millions of individuals over these decades of the iron heel of hyper-militarization of life and economy, have fallen into degradation and have swelled the immense people of the abyss, reminiscent of Jack London’s “Iron Heel,” too often wandering in the psychic dungeons of opioid, fentanyl, and other drug dependencies, in the dense, mottled fogs of miserable, degraded tent cities in various American downtowns, now an army of 100 million poor, over 20 in absolute poverty.
President John F. Kennedy meets General Maxwell Taylor and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Washington, D.C
And they lost it because peace would have killed the newborn Armed Class in its Pentagon cradle from infant mortality, depriving it of the milk of public wealth sucked from the republic’s breast.
And they lost the war in Ukraine because they never thought to win it, because the Armed Class never fought wars except to pursue its reproduction goals and thus never fought wars to win them but always lit wars to keep them going. Until they fought these wars against Afghan shepherds or Iraqi camel herders, killed like animals in a safari from the vast asymmetry of power and technology, things went quite well, however, almost inadvertently in the process of automatic expansion of the fire front of these wars useful only for the reproduction of military power, entropizing the global geopolitical space, destroying market trust, they finally went to clash on the rocks of the Russian army, an army which, unlike the Western Armed Class that uses States as its ATMs, is a politically weak force in service of the neo-Russian bourgeoisie.
In the ultra-militarized West, much sarcasm was made when the President of the Russian Federation froze his head of intelligence during a televised hearing on the eve of the military operation in Ukraine, because here, with military power having been the reference for decades, that normal thing of a soldier trembling before civilian power of an Enlightenment-based state seemed like something of dictatorships. While here for too long the exact opposite has been normal, and in total self-deception, one believes it’s a sign of democracy, i.e., the pathetic spectacle of politicians trembling before military power, see the scabrously arrogant statements of various NATO Secretaries giving veritable orders and foreign policy and economic policy lines to unified networks to the chanceries of governments.
This explains and definitively resolves the great enigma and the great NATO scam, of why, despite spending 20 times less than Western military expenditures, Russian armed forces have been able to defeat NATO on the field in Ukraine, or if you prefer, have been able not to be defeated. It’s simply because they are armed forces that, thus commanded by civilian power, fight to win wars and not to parasitize wealth bringing their nations into endless senseless wars they have no intention of winning but undertake only as a means to channel oceans of public money into their coffers.
Let’s go to the next line.
USAID has lost the war in Ukraine.
The war that, as the civilian auxiliary interface of the military power of the neo-Armed Class, has sown in the fertile but treacherous Ukrainian land since 1992, when between Ukraine and USAID a treaty was signed, a land, that of Ukraine, which can change appearance in the turn of a storm and turn from a generous cornucopia into a fierce trap of frozen, hostile, and impenetrable mud even to a gravedigger’s shovel.
Archive photo from the now-darkened USAID website, documenting ISEE activities in Ukraine starting from 1992 with the signing of a bilateral treaty agreement between Ukraine and USEG on humanitarian, technical, and economic cooperation aimed at realizing the country’s economic potential.
Photo from the USAID site, now darkened, with the history of ISEE activities in Ukraine starting from 1992 with the signing of a bilateral treaty agreement between Ukraine and USEG on humanitarian, technical, and economic cooperation aimed at realizing the country’s economic potential.
The consequences of NATO’s military defeat in Ukraine are vast and almost unimaginable, and they are yet to come, like a sort of gigantic iceberg that on the surface offers barely a beach for polar bears adrift, before which we imagine all the mainstream press correspondents lined up taking cute photos while having an aperitif offered by NATO, but which under the waters sinks into the abyss where the blue becomes ink and its vertex terrifyingly rakes the tectonic crust.
The real construction site of the war in Ukraine, even if distant premises were set from the end of World War II, as we reflected in an episode of “The Context” with our friend Giacomo Gabellini, always lucid, advanced, and punctual in his analyses and in his invaluable work, was opened in 1992 when NATO Secretary Werner landed in Kiev in front of a powerless and shattered Russia to invite Ukraine into the Atlantic Council, accompanied by USAID; and continued through the over 338 bilateral events between NATO and Ukraine, of which 48 only in the year of the 2014 coup; of Ukraine’s participation in the occupation of Iraq, I wrote a 400-page book, so I refer to that.
But the moment when the destinies of this great 21st-century story turn towards their fatal outcomes is undoubtedly the day when Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin comes out in the open, shedding the lamb’s skin under which, like Ulysses the beggar under the porticoes of Ithaca, deceiving the Western suitors, he managed to consolidate his power and simultaneously the economic and military development of Russia without alarming anyone, indeed receiving in the meantime infinite pats on the back from big Anglo-American men who were absolutely convinced they had him in their grasp as they had done with Yeltsin.
This fatal day that modifies the earth’s axis of this human story, because it will be so in 10 centuries, is the day when Putin ascertains that his power and Russia’s are now sufficiently returned, in a record time, unimaginable from the Pentagon’s lack of imagination, or it would never have happened, so stable and solid to expel all American agencies from Russian soil where since the fall of the Berlin Wall they had acted like in a new Wild Far East, without answering for countless atrocities and abuses.
From the seeds sown by these American settlers, launched into the steppes of Russia on their USAID or NED wagons, malignant weeds like Navalny were born, unfortunately for them destined to be uprooted before catching fire like an underbrush blaze, the infection of color revolutions that have carbonized quite a few countries.
The episode of co-reflection with friend and analyst Giacomo Gabellini on his channel “Il Contesto”
The year after the shock of USAID’s expulsion, a traumatic event for Western power, of which all the coyotes from the newsrooms of major Anglo-American newspapers howled with wrenching moans, furious with impotent rage, the late Senator John McCain, a sort of Colonel Kurtz from Apocalypse Now in the 16th century, returned to his homeland after five years of captivity in Vietnam, where he went to fight an unwinnable war, and thrown into politics as a member of the neo-Armed Class, accompanied by the most terrifying among the military power’s auxiliary harpies, Mrs. Nuland, and sinister ones flutter over the ashen European skies of these days, landed in Kiev, intent on making Russia pay dearly for daring to expel auxiliary agencies of military power like USAID from every nook of the Russian Federation.
Shortly thereafter, a just 30-year-old named Mustafa Nayyem, as Oliver Stone recounted in his documentary “Ukraine on Fire,”a man come from the dark, like all characters used by agencies like USAID to pollute electoral processes in target countries, who later became Deputy Minister of Infrastructure, passing through the direction of the Ukrainian military-industrial complex, son of an Afghan minister who fled Kabul during the Soviet invasion and a former student in the USSR naturalized Ukrainian, pumped by big USA media like The New Yorker which dedicated him a long portrait, launched with two posts on Facebook, of which I have screenshots, the appeal from which began the gathering of thousands in Euromaidan Square, it was November 2013, hence we understand the fierce repression that USAID-funded fact-checking outlets later do on Facebook.
The guy who came from nowhere and lit the fuse of Euromaidan, photographed during a rally in 2013
The guy who came from nowhere who lit the Euromaidan powder in 2013 photographed during a rally.
Writing my first book on Ukraine published in May 2022, I discovered that this youngster who suddenly emerged from obscurity, together with three TV channels ready to serve regime change, financed by USAID & Co., far from being driven by spontaneous passion, had been trained in the United States in some courses at Stanford, where young leaders from countries transitioning to democracy were prepared, by none other than Francis Fukuyama in person, who, besides the famous illusion of the end of history, is also a refined and fierce Russophobe, like all civilian auxiliaries of the Armed Class, is a member of the National Endowment for Democracy – supporting Freedom around the world.
What Else?, George Clooney would say.
The square of Euromaidan’s turmoil, triggered by this pupil of Fukuyama (the two Brzezinski traps condensed into one figure), pumped by the whole press system consistent with what USAID does, like triggering regime changes, for example in a very long article in The New Yorker, then was taken over by the paramilitary battalions of Pravy Sektor, whose warrior value was praised in articles from the Atlantic Council, a think tank where many elegant figures like Iacopo Iacoboni from La Stampa serve, neo-Nazi subversive forces that overthrew, in the complete absence of the Ukrainian armed forces, faithful to the Pentagon rather than their state, the legitimate President Yanukovych.
The rest is history.
Civil war and then war with Russia.
The closure of USAID, together with many other things we leave to other pens writing about it, has thus been above all a strategic rout that consumed 13 years after USAID’s expulsion from the Russian Federation and the manifestation, visible to the naked eye, of a severe beginning of civil war throughout the West, although declined as the pathological erosion of state cohesion between hyper-polarized institutions in the conflict not yet ascended to class consciousness of the classes involved, between the Bourgeoisie, the often-downgraded and proletarianized American Middle Class, and the neo-Armed Class.
And with this, also the strategic victory of Putin, to whom they wanted to ignite a civil war at home and which now snakes through the highest USA institutions and also in Europe.
Vae Victis.
Woe to the Vanquished.
END
The opinions expressed here are strictly personal and not necessarily coincident with those of the editorial direction.
MY BOOKS
Ukraine 2022: The Perfect Strategic Threat
When Ukraine Invaded Iraq – The Hands of the Pentagon on History
General Outlines of the Treatise on the Armed Class
Contacts
Mail d.colantoni@young.it
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